Among the juridical norms that regulate the immigrant movement stands out the Ordinance no. 528 of June 28th, 1890 sent by Francisco Glicério that regulated the whole immigration subject and immigrants' colonization.

The Ordinance number 528 extolled, in the first part, regarding the immigrants' introduction, that, here near, voluntarily they could seek placements to wage in the farms, in the factories, in the constructions, in the fields, or in the cities; in the small farmings and in the settlement of the territory, instituting direct financial aids of the Union, in the proprietors' of lands favor, cultivated or not, that wanted to divide them in lots, to give up them to the immigrants' families; and, in the same sense, giving up replaced lands to matters, for the legal price still rated in the domain of the Empire, under the condition of measuring, to demarcate, and, for time they give in, the same lots, to the immigrants' families.

Being like this, the immigration policy was based on three basic objectives: to value the lands consumed by the great farming; resettle uninhabited properties; to demarcate the public and private properties and, finally, to settle the lands in calculated territories of 200, 500 or 1.000 families, linking those colonial nuclei to the ports, to the stations of the federal and state railroads, to the normal populations in short, for economical railroads, in way to establish continuity among the old cities and towns of the Union, and those new populations and colonial municipal districts, feeling, of more the plus, exit easy and safe to the agricultural productions and the commercial exchanges.

In agreement with the exposed Ordinance, we can understand the reason better than it ruled the government of the State of Pará when motivating the Japanese immigrants' arrival until then to populate areas uninhabited of the State.

The use of the term "colony" can be thought starting from the small property as it classifies Seyferth (1990, p. 24), then the appearance of towns starting from the distribution of the lots to the settlers, organization of the space, home type and the consequent urban development. The analysis done by Seyferth calls attention for the approach that it is given to the several groups of immigrants that arrived in Brazil. The groups that were formed inside of those colonial communities concentrate the classes' farmers' characteristic activities. The units of the small property are policultures and the administration is due to the own members of the immigrant families and its production form stays from the pioneering period of the immigration to the days act same that the characteristics have been altered along the years: the decrease of the lots and the monoculture are some examples.

The size of the lots distributed for the Japanese families in the colony of Tomé-Açú were of 25 hectares, but that pattern became variable depending on the conditions of the earth, as we can observe in the interview of Yamada (2006): "In some places were little less than 25 hectares, due to the conditions of the land, but obeying it even that highway that was open Água Branca, it was made the division into lots where didn't have clay."
According to Maruoka (s/d), in 1923, it arrives to Ambassador Shitita Tatsuke, in Rio de Janeiro a petition sent by the government of the State of Pará that pled the Japanese immigrants' reception. The following year, 1924, the embassy of Japan in Rio de Janeiro sends secretary Ryoji Noda and the naval attaché Morimoto to the Amazonian that, after meeting with the governor of Pará, Antonio Emiliano de Sousa Castro, proceed to Amazon and they elaborate a report to be presented in their return to the Embassy.
In the State of Pará, the Japanese families began to arrive from 1929 and, differently that it happened in the State of São Paulo, in the beginning of the century, when the immigration was addressed for the coffee farmings, Japanese that here docked if they destined to the settlement of the Amazonian area, satisfying, like this, bilateral interests among the involved nations.

Leo Weibel (1958 apud SEYFERTH, 1990, p. 14) it explains to us that the governments were interested in establishing those immigrants in uninhabited areas and these settlers would be small proprietors with lots that varied from 20 to 50 hectares, using family labor exclusively. They could not create cattle, main activity of the South area of the country. Weibel (1958 apud SEYFERTH, 1990) refers to the German and Italian immigrations happened in the south area with two poles: Blumenau (1850) and Brusque (1860). These two areas formed homogeneous and isolated communities just in the beginning of the century XX was established immigrants of other origins (Italian and Polish, mainly).

Regarding the Japanese immigration, it fits to explain that the immigration was protected starting from 1924 up to 1941, so much for the Brazilian State, as for Japanese (SAKURAI, 2000, p. 219). it is Stood out, equally, that it is not possible to give bill of the formation of a new identity of Japanese in Brazil, and in the case of State of Pará, without considering the emmigration/immigration politics adopted by the governments.
As understanding, I think relevant to analyze the established immigration types in States of São Paulo and Pará. The pioneering immigrants that arrived at the State of São Paulo in 1908 had destiny certain, in other words, they were directed for the coffee farms where they were contracted to work in the crop of the product. For Seyferth (1990), that singularity of the colonization in São Paulo is characterized by the difference among the others that happened in other brazilian States, where homogeneous ethnic colonies were constituted, as in Tomé-Açú (State of Pará), for instance.

According to Lesser (2001, p. 159), the contract in 1907 for São Paulo included about three thousand Japanese workers. That first period of the Japanese immigration to Brazil is going from 1908 to 1924, in agreement with Sakurai (2000, p. 208), this period is classified as experimental phase, because, nor Japanese nor the Brazilians were known the consequences would be positive or negatives in relation to the established enterprise on the part of both governments.

During the second phase of the Japanese immigration to Brazil, from 1924 to 1941, feels the arrival of the first groups of immigrants for the State of Pará. In this period the immigration is considered, according to Sakurai (1993, p. 41; 2000, p. 219), as "protected" by being subsidized by the Japanese government, what turns the dream in exploring him/it El the relatives' closer Dorado and neighbors. Then one of the largest differences among the immigration of other ethnic groups, Japanese came to Brazil to the molds of an official immigration, with subsidized passage and already with the lots of certain lands. The materialization of the expectations would implicate significant it gets better of the life conditions it seemed more unlikely to hold in the Nascent Sun Emperor:


"As my parents told in that time, Japan also went by difficulties. Mainly farmers. See that our family lived in the same countryside of the province of Hiroshima already in the border of Shimane, province of Shimane, the land that my father had was an earth piece. Nor it is compared with the our land here in Brazil. Then, I believe that my father thought about the future. To be there in Japan he would not have progress, he would not have conditions of acquiring anything and, at that time in that the immigration appeared in that period in Japan: Brazil, Argentina, Peru and so on. And I don't know how Brazil appeared, do you understand? He was interested in Brazil and he showed there with the government and the government accepted. So they formed the group. The first immigration was of 43 families through the draw seems, a thing like this. Well, I don't know exactly that part." (Interview of Mister Yamada, April, 2006)


Those immigrants come from several rural areas of Japan traditionally ousters, however, the Japanese cities, also sent emigrants.

Towards to the State of Pará (Brazil)

The historical data of the municipal district of Acará based on data of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), according to description of the municipal districts of Acará and later Tomé-Açú, where the Japanese immigrants were addressed. The history of installation of Acará starting from the installation of the Freguesia[1] of São José of Acará created with the denomination of São José of Acará, in 1758, in relation to date in agreement with data of IBGE: it "remounts to the historical period of accomplishment of Portuguese explorations towards the interior of the State of Pará using the rivers". the headquarters of the municipal district was implanted in 1758 by governor Mendonça Furtado and when it was separated from the State in districts, in 1833, Acará was incorporated the district of the capital.

The Freguesia of Moju created by the Law n. 14 of September 9, 1839 incorporated the territory taken a bath by the river Acará. A new Law, the one of n. 53, of September 4, 1840 it determined that the same territory taken a bath by the river Acará was divided in two parts: Freguesia of São José of Acará and Freguesia of Nossa Senhora da Sociedade Cairary, and this last one was also created in this same Action.

Later, on August 20, 1864, the Law no. 441 was promulgated, that it determined that the Freguesia of Moju and of Cairary they were enclosed to the district of the capital. Starting from the development of the area taken a bath by the river Acará, especially in the Clienteles of São José and of Ours Mrs. of the Society it took the decision of Legislative to the creation of a new municipal district and the Clientele of São José of Acará had his/her high category of Town dated installation on March 23rd, 1876. Soon afterwards, the Law Provincial no. 839 that had been promulgated on 19th April, 1875 established the dismemberment of Moju.

In the administrative division accomplished in 1911 the municipal district with denomination of Acará was considered district thirst and for the Ordinance no. 6, of November 4, 1930, the municipal district is extinguished and he/she has his/her territory enclosed Belém. However, in the Law State no. 579, January 08, 1932, Acará returns to municipal district category and it is dismembered of Belém. In a division accomplished in 1933, Acará again high the district position and in the Law State no. 8, of October 31, 1935 in this Action they appear all of the names of the municipal districts among them Acará.

The configuration of the districts that appeared in 1936 and 1937: Acará, Baixo Acará, Guajará-Miri, Itapicuru, Miriti Pitanga and Rio Pequeno. Among 1939-1943, the municipal district is constituted of 3 districts: Acará, Guajará-Miri and Itapicuru. In 1943 Itapicuru passed to be denominated of Jupariteua. Being like this, between the years of 1944 and 1948 the municipal district was composed of three districts: Acará, Guajará-Miri and Jupariteua, (Ex) Itapicuru. In 1961 for the law state no. 2460, of 29-12-1961, the district of Jupariteua suffers new change in its name, starting to be: Jaguarari. It is like this, in another territorial division on December 31, 1963 the municipal stayed with the same districts and starting from then it continued presenting the same districts.

The data of IBGE about Acará zone become then scarce of information in the period of the decade of 1950, we sent ourselves to the own Japanese immigrants' texts that retake some points of the creation path and emancipation of the colony of Tomé-Açú. In another document of IBGE I obtained more specific data about the constitution of the municipal district of Tomé-Açú. Starting from then, I could verify that, after II World War, with the retaking of the Japanese immigrants' groups for the municipal district of Acará, the development of the area experienced a great development and the number of inhabitants does with that in 1955, Tomé-Açú it was high the municipal district category and dismembered of Acará. In 1956 the municipal district status was revoked and only in 1959 the municipal district obtained political-administrative emancipation and it started to be the 60th municipal district of the State of Pará.

The area in which the Japanese immigrants' colony was installed in Tomé-Açú had for main goal, according to words of Nagai (2002, p. 11), "the exploration in development and benefit of the area". In agreement with both governments' propositions, the Japanese government, in 1928, was favorable to had been proposed by Pará State government. Then, it grew up denominated by Nanbei Takushoku Kabushiki Kaisha (NANTAKU), that it would have the task of sending and to seat the settlers in South America. As the budget for such enterprise had not been destined, the company passed to be administered by Kanegafushi Bouseki Kabushiki Kaisha (KANEBO), company this deprived of spinning and weaving and, one of the directors, Hachiro Fukuhara was named president of Nantaku.

In 1929, Fukuhara concludes the preparations for the creation of a denominated national company of Japanese Company of Plantation with total capital of 4 thousand stories and it transfers for the Company the contract that had been signed by him when receiving, while natural person, the concession of 1 million hectares of lands in the State of Pará and, more 3 concessions of 10 thousand hectares, in the municipal districts of Marabá, Conceição do Araguaia and Altamira.

The first group of immigrants was recruited in Japan. Makinosuke Usui was nominated for Nantaku as the immigrants' person in charge. Ally to the recruitment, in some provinces already existed Foreign Associations that you/they also accomplish the recruitment. To foment the immigration, according to Maruoka (s/d, p. 49), "the recruitment companies exhibited films with the cocoa production, this being the main product, and exhibitions with samples of rice, bean, rope tobacco and several qualities of extracted wood of the Amazonian area" and it served as attraction for the assumed immigrants. One of the factors that take candidates to the immigration is the possibility to transform in the owner of an area of 25 hectares, it generated great attraction. It should be taken into account that, the own formation of Nantaku, a company of property of Kanebo, it company was very well considered in Japan and that it generated confidence in candidates for immigration.

The incentive campaign the arrival to Brazil took great proportions for the offered advantages, as for instance, the poster that circulated in the main communication sectors in Japan. However, in the interior from São Paulo, the idea of the return already began to disappear of the immigrants' thought since the decade of 1920, according to Handa (1987). even so, the reason of the arrival for the State of Pará was different from the ones that went for the State of São Paulo. Then the explanation of the euphoria on the part of most of the immigrants, as we can see in the memoirs of those who left their written path.

The busy position for the immigrants: "moved", "(in)classified", so much space as socially and the consequences that that will cart in the social plan, mainly. The rights that the Brazilian State reserves the immigrants are not the right in fact that should have and, they pass then, they were not citizens in the sense of they could not enjoy the same status that the national ones possess, for instance.

The official documents demonstrates that, the Japanese immigration in the State of Pará didn't possess a stamp explicitly of 'imported poverty' as it analyzes Sayad (1990) in relation to the Algerians emigrated to France. Thinking about Japanese immigrants arrived in Belém means to read in the main local newspaper the news that they were coming as an incentive for the local development, what pilfers and it lessens in certain way, the poverty that didn't have solution in Japan, as it demonstrates the news published by Folha do Norte on September 15, 1929:


"Should arrive tomorrow in Belém the first group of settlers from the Nipponic Company of Plantations of Brazil, with its office in our city, hired for us to exercise their activities in great agricultural-industry enterprise project for that powerful company, installed in our State [...]"


In agreement with the news above, it begins on September 16, 1929 the 189 people's history that arrived in Pará and, soon afterwards, they were directed to the final destiny of the trip, the colony of Tomé-Açú where they completed a sixty-four-days trip since they left their birthplace.

The pressure of the population growth and the consequent access difficulty to the earth are some of the main reasons that take the Japanese government to adopt the workers' sending worldwide policy, as we can observe, the internal migrations for the island of Hokkaido were not enough to control the demographic levels of the country. Starting from the administrative reforms, called Meiji Ristoration, as we will see to proceed, the Japanese government adopted since 1868, as political strategy, the workers' sending worldwide policy, at first, for Asia and Oceania, later to America.

The Brazilian and Japanese governments already started conversations for Japanese immigrants' introduction by the end of the century XIX. That negotiation takes a breath in 1892 when Brazil decides to promote the Japanese and Chinese immigrations. In 1894 with a special correspondent's arrival for subjects about immigration, Sho Nemoto, both governments continue their negotiations and, finally, on November 5, 1895, in Paris, the first treaty was signed between Brazil and Japan (Vide LESSER, J. 2001, p. 154; NINOMIYA, 1996, p. 246; SAKURAI, C. 2000, p. 206).

In relation to the Treaty signed between Brazil and Japan, according to Ninomiya (1996), it is interesting the fact that in that period the treaties were signed under a new perspective since other agreements been celebrated after 1858 during the period Tokugawa signed with western countries (United States, Holland, Russia, United Kingdom and France) they were considered "disadvantageous", because, these countries didn't recognize Japan as being a civilized country.

The treaties signed previously didn't consider Japan while parents civilized, two of the main disadvantages of those first treaties were the war prisoners given to the consular, ones that many of the times committed injustices, as for the judgement. Another factor tells about, to the taxation of products that arrived in Japan, impeding to be taxed, while the products Japanese correspondents for the exterior suffered high taxations. Certainly it was opposed to the merchant's class of Japan interests that it maintained relationships with the international markets. Then the need and the incipient interest in to break with the old treaties and to formalize new relationships with countries that would start to recognize Japan while civilized country.

However, in 1895, it is firm the Treaty of Friendship, Trade and Navigation between Brazil and Japan, without establishing any understanding as for the subject of the immigration. The immigration of Japanese to Brazil is only thought with larger insistence when the economy coffee raisin to need of labor. With the discharge in the price of the coffee in the international market in the beginning of the century, the coffee plantations from São Paulo expand its cultivation area. At the same time, the Italian government restricts the arrival of new contingents to Brazil in 1902, generating "lack of arms" for the coffee plantations. Before this, the coffee grower from São Paulo decide for the recruiting of the Japanese labor (SAKURAI, 2000, p.206).

After the Meiji Ristoration, the Japanese government sent foreign missions that had as intention renegotiate the treaties that were considered "disadvantageous". However, the results were not the expected ones. Mexico that, until then didn't participate in any international agreement with Asian countries, it was the chosen to propose an agreement based on the reciprocity in order to serve as model to the other nations, in way to rethink the structure that vineyard being used in the terms of the agreements.

At first, Brazil presents reservations for the Japanese immigrants' arrival, on that moment, with immigrants of other origins to fill out the labor needs. It is strong also the pressure of racial order against the entrance of "yellows" in the Country.
For Japan, according to Sakurai (2000, p. 216), the "summit" in the subject of the emigration, is the definitive prohibition of entrance in the United States, in 1924. Example this that had been followed by other American countries like Peru, Mexico and Canada, as well as for Oceania and countries that were under the English and French protectorate. Japanese could not enter nor I eat temporary workers, because, until then, it weighed the people's fact to be of the race it yellows. Just remaining some few countries that receive small contingents as it is the case of Bolivia, Paraguay and Colombia.

However, it is worth to emphasize that the Treaty of Friendship and Navigation, Trade and Navigation signed in 1895 didn't establish any understanding in relation to the immigration. The Asian immigration passes to be cogitated when the coffee farms needed workers since the European immigrants had caused problems. Many Italian, for instance, already accused of "anarchism" had been deported.

The expectation of arrival of the Asians provoked discussions concerning the mongolization of the Brazilian nation and, tends Japanese won the sino-japanese war (1894-1895) there was fear of the military might of Japan besides, according to Lesser (2001, p. 162). That debate ran parallel to the whitening of the nation through the European immigration. The debate on whitening becomes so heated that several authors publish books on the subject of the races and they talk mainly about the ones that are considered "pernicious". As example, we have Oliveira Viana that publishes the book entitled "Evolution of the People Brazilian", edited in 1923, in that the author discusses about the ethnic selection, the problem of crossing of the races and the form which one can obtain the cleaning race.

For occasion of the first immigrants' arrival on May 18th, 1908 in São Paulo on board of Kasato Maru with the "781 people's arrival they disembarked in Port of Santos", at 9h30m in the wharf of number 14 and, now, customs warehouse 16, according to Sakurai (2000, p. 201). Japanese were had as honest and hard-working, second speech of the time (MARUOKA, s/d, p. 43). In accordance to the same author, starting from then, about 234 thousand immigrants they noticed in Brazil from then.


References
FOLHA do Norte, Jornal. Edição do dia 15/09/1929.

FOLHA do Norte, Jornal. Edição do dia 16/09/1929.

LESSER, Jeffrey. A negociação da identidade nacional: imigrantes, minorias e a luta pela etnicidade no Brasil. Trad. Patrícia Queiroz Carvalho Zimbre. São Paulo, UNESP, 2001.

MARUOKA, Yoshio. 70 Anos de Imigração Japonesa para a Amazônia. Belém: Topan-Press, s/d. Associação Pan-Amazônica nipo-brasileira.
NAGAI, Akira. Um Nikkei na terra dos Tembés. Belém: Alves Gráfica e Editora, 2002.

NINOMIYA, Masato. O centenário do Tratado de Amizade, Comércio e Navegação entre Brasil e Japão. Revista da USP, São Paulo (28): 245-250, Dez./Fev. 95/96.

SAKURAI, Célia. Imigração Japonesa para o Brasil: Um exemplo de Imigração Tutelada (1908-1941). In: FAUSTO, B. (Org.) Fazer a América. 2ª Ed. São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 2000.

______. Os primeiros pólos da imigração japonesa no Brasil. In: Revista USP. Dossiê BRASIL/JAPÃO. Número 1 (Mar/Mai 1989) São Paulo. 1989.

______. Romanceiros da imigração japonesa. São Paulo: Sumaré/FAPESP, 1993. (Série Imigração; vol. 4).
SEYFERTH, Giralda. Imigração e cultura no Brasil. Brasília: UNB, 1990.
VIANA, Oliveira. Evolução do Povo Brasileiro. 4ª edição. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio, 1956.
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[1] This term is used before the community high the municipal district status.